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PEACE OFFERINa 



BY 



V-::^ 




^V. B. VICTOR, 



1860-61. 




THE BEGINNING AND THE END. 

" The kingdom of heaveli is like a man traveling in a far country." 

•Oil, when shall all be reconciled to God ? 

When shall all obey and justify the great and perfect ways 
•of God to man, to all created things, past, present, and to 
«come f 

There could have been no created life or light ; no emotions 
•of love, of joy, or of sorrow ; no holy forms divine, of 8on, of 
•angels, of Saviour, or of men : but by the perfect works and 
ways of the perfect and almighty God ! 

The heaven and the earth were the beginning of the great 
and perfect system of God. They were composed of all th« 
•elements of existence, of action, and of life : from the begin- 
■ning good, and made in contemplation of every conditional 
'variety of action and result, according to the .perfect holiness, 
the perfect goodness, the perfect love, the peiffect .philosophy, 
•and all the perfections of the perfect and almight}' 'God ! 

Nothing has ever been or can become absolutely perfect, but 
*he absolute will of the perfect and almightv God ! 



2 '^^\ 

From the beginning, the ever-changing actioni? and condi- 
tions of all created things, and all the results of holiness, of 
Miss, of goodness and of happiness, of sin, of misery, of pain 
ov of agony, have all been the certain results of the perfect 
creation and the perfect government of the perfect and al- 
mighty God! 

Oh, who knows what were created and what original things? 

Space, boundless space, without beginning and without endy 
was an original, not a created thing — nothivg hut space. 

Space, boundless space, was the home of God, the Spirit and 
the Father of all created things! 

The Spirit of God was with boundless space, and made her 
His bride ! 

Original, pure and perfect space the bride, and God the 
Spirit — Father of all. 

The Spirit and the Bride said God! 

The Spirit and the Bride were light from the Spirit and 
the Throne of the ever-living God. 

The Spirit and the Bride said come, and God formed the- 
Son, his own express image, and placed him in the house of 
the Spirit, the Bride, and the throne of the ever-living God, 

And the Spirit and the Bride said come ! 

TO BE CONTINUE.I>, 

November^ 1860, 



PEACE OPPERIIS'G. 

BY 

W. B, VICTOR. 

18 6 0-61. 



[Published in the LouisTille Courier, December 21, 1800.] 

A,^ WORD FOR THE UNION. 

The great American Union is the growth of our country. Its continu- 
ance is the only safety for American society, unless its dissolution shall 
become a providential necessity. Like the other Governments of the 
earth, it is the product of time and society, and whatever changes or 
improvements may be required in its Constitution or laws ought to be 
made in a peaceable and lawful manner. God save, us from the terrible 
havoc of war ! Peace liath her victories much greater than war ! 

The Constitution and laws, and the legal representatives of the people, 
are the only authorized agents or modes of doing whatever may he neces- 
sary to preserve or improve the union of the States. Let us hope that 
the border States of the South will remain with their sister border St^tes 
of the center of the Union ; and, shoul i dissolution ever occur, in God's 
name, let it be done in a manner honorable to ; 11 parties. Let the puhlic 
treasures and properties be fairly ami justly divided, and let rio individ- 
ual right be impaired or in any manner injured in any portion of the 
Union. But let us hope that the Almighty has not comaranded the dis - 
solution v»f the societies and governments he has so intimately ai\d so 
perfectly blended. It melts the heart in sorrow to think of such an 
event. It's like bidding the solemn farewell to long and dearlv rherished 
relatives and friends, and all the dear bonds and memories of the past ! 

From this starting point, (roar the past and the present, rather let us 
begin a new future ! Let us ftst consider that our relations shoirld be 
thof-e of affection andoi right; that is the first drrtv of each pvr^ of all, 
never to invade or violate the rights or wound the feelings nf others, 
either as individuals, States or Governmei ts. Let all patriots claim the 
continuance of government for.' protection, not destruction. L?t the 
action of 2overnment be confined to constitutional and specific oi^iiccts. 
It is the violation of, not compliance with, constitutions and laws, th«t 
citizens have the right to complain oi 

his tiie real, not the imaginary condition of things, that we ought fo 
consider and act ripen. While we should always be ready for any emer- 



gency, we should never lake ihe final step or j-trike the fatal blow, auiii 
it shall be necessary to preserve, not destroy ! What a terrible thought 
to/leave all the securities, certainties and hopes we have, and embark 
upon the convulsed bosom of a dark and unknown future ! Consider 
tlie probable results of a line of war from the Atlantic to the Pacific 
ocean. Let the horrors of Kansas vvarr? us of the dangers ahaad ! Le? 
us consider that dissolution and war would endanger the peace of the 
world — would break up our foreign relations and all the present guaran 
tees of inter-State and international obligations and relations: that refu- 
sals, repudiations, and all the uncertain results of a chaotic and convul- 
sed state of society miglit follow. 

For the sake, then, of all the dear aflfections, obligations, memories 
and objects of life, let us pause and pray that the Alndghty will restore 
peace, confidence, and harmony in our land ; that in due time the truth,, 
justice and philosophy of the Almighty and all-pervading spirit, will 
enable us to do whatever will be best for each and for all. Let all dangers- 
end fears thus pass awav, and leave us in the security of peace and all 
the dear affections and objects of life. 

The following is suggested as a remedy (or impending dangers : 
With all deference lor thoss who differ, I mu-st express the belief that 
we bave a better constitution than we could at present obtain by th« 
amendments of thjee-fourths of the States of the Union. All we want is 
the faithful maintenance and execution of the Constitution and laws of 
the Union. The people are tired of confusions, alarms, and terrors. 
The people do not want the anxieties, delays, and uncertainties of con- 
ventions. They want peace, security, and harmony under our present 
government. 

Remember, a house divided can not stand. The Southern States ought 
not to abandon their sister border States in the hour ol trial. Maryland, 
Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri are faithful to all their rights, and in> 
the front of danger. Why will the Soathern States abandon them? 
Should sufficient cause occur they will be ready to act. "Sufficient unto- 
the day is the evil iheseo^.' 

Better remain together, and when necessary, in iheir united strength 
demand their rights. 

Under the Constitution and laws of the Union, slave property is secure 
in all the slaveholding States, Territories, and Districts of the Union, and 
fugitives must [e returned. 

The South only want, and in any event can only obtain, security of 
these rights; when any of these rights are violated, let the injured com- 
plain, and let the Government of the United States, in all its depart- 
ments, maintain and execute- the Constitution and the laws of the Union. 
Thus would peace, confidence, and harmony be restored, and thus would 
be secure the rights of each and of all. 

Let us entreat the Southern States to confine their action in relation to- 
the Union to a declaration of rights. If every man and woman in Amer- 
ica would make a declaration of peace and carry it out, by the pursuit of 
truth, justice and philosophy, the true and divine Government would 
prevail, each and all would rest safe and secure in the possession and 
pursuit of ih«ir rights and al I th€ high objects of life. The eeal want* 



ol individuals and ^ocletiei< wuuld be developed and provided ior, m dat 
time, and in the proper manner. To doubt this is to doubt the perfees 
laws, powers and goodness of the Creator and Supreme Euler of all. 
War has always been the result of a violation of His laws, either fron^ 
error, haste or evil design. The people of America are now especially 
called upon to pause, consider this great question, and act accoriling to 
the high and vital demands and duties of peace, and all the relations anc? 
obliEations that have interwcn-en and bound them together. No fcce 
should be used— no Constkution or law violated in anv portion of the 
Union ; all obligations arjtl duties should be complied with, and all the 
blessings of peace, harmony and prosperity would, in any event, be en 
joyed . 



[Published in the Kentuckj' Yeoman, Jas. 8, 1861.] 

THE GOVERNMEXT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

The government of the Uuited States is a Federal Government. 

It exists by virtue of the powers and authorities expressly written 
and granted by the people of the several States, in and with the Con- 
stitution of the United States. All it? powers have thus been expresslv 
granted and cooferred by the people of the several States, in, with, and 
by the adoption of the Constitution of the United States. 

To the extent that powers have thus been granted to the govern- 
ment of the Usited States, the powers of the covernmcnt are sovereign, 
complete and supreme. 

In all cases of conflict, with the Constitution, laws, or officers of the 
government, with any of the people or States of the Union, the 
Supreme Court of the United States has final jurisdiction and supreme 
authority. 

The rights and relations of the persons and the States of the Union, 
have thus been made rights and relations of law. and all conflir-ts or 
disputes have thus been made questions of law. 

The Federal Government was formed and has been adopted by tlie 
people who have severally composed equal, several independent and 
sovereign States. Its action, during its continuance, is directly upon 
the persons of the United States, and the sovereignty of the govern- 
ment is complete, to the extent of its constitutional powers, over the 
people and over the States, that have composed, constituted, adopted, 
supported and preserved it. 

The people who composed the several States that formed and have 
adopted the Constitution, and have supported the government, have 
thus subjected themselves to its government, as individuals, officers. 
States and territories of the government; and they are all equally and 
fully entitled to the constitutional protection of all their rights in 
every portion of the government. 

The government of the United States has thus been thoroughly and 
perfectly blended with the people and with the States of the Union ; 
each being specific and general, within rheir constitutional and ap- 



pointed spheres of acMon ; each having been formed and constituted 
for personal, mutual, and the general good. 

Should the powers of the Federal Government be perverted and 
abused — should powers not granted be usurped by its officers, to the 
great danger or injury of the persons, rights and powers, of the people 
of the States that have adopted and supported the government, have 
they not a lawful remedy ? Have they not the reserved and inaliena- 
ble right, when greatly endangered or injured, to adopt such measures 
or such government as they deem necessary for their defense, their 
preservation, their : afety, their prosperity, their happiness? 

The right of defense and of preservation against unlawful attacks or 
violations of rights, is the first and inalienable right of individuals, of 
States, and of governments. It begins in childhood, and continues 
with the persons. States and governments of the earth. All the rights 
and relations of persons and of governments are questions of law. 

The rights and relations of the persons, the peop'es, the citizens, 
and the States of the Federal Government are peculiar to our own coun- 
try. The government was formed and adopted by the people of the 
States, as several or separate States. When thus united, they liecame 
one people, to the extent of their constitutional and lawful Union and 
communion. 

The Federal Government thus pledged all its powers to give consti- 
tutional protection to all personal, commoa and vested rights and pri- 
vileges under its government. 

When the rights of the people of any of the States of the Union are 
in danger, have they not the right to make all necessary preparation 
for their preservation and defense ? 

They have adopted the Constitution as individuals and as several 
States. So likewise when in danger, they have the reserved and ina- 
lienable right, as several or united States, to prepare for defense, for 
protection, and for preservation. 

When the officers of the Federal Government, in violation of the 
Constitution or laws of the Union, or in the exercise of powers not 
granted, exclude the people of any of the States from their common or 
vested rights; when they attack or violate those rights, the people of 
the several States have the reserved and inalienable right to repeal 
their adoption of the Constitution of the United States, and resume 
their original right of self-preservation and self-defense. 

Suppose, when a large majority of slaveholding States constituted 
the Union, the government of the United States had established slav- 
ery in the State of Massachusetts, in violation of the Constitution of 
the United States and the Constitution of Massachusetts, what would 
have been, or what would now be, the right of Massachusetts? The 
right to repeal her adoption of the Constitution, and sever her con- 
nection with the Government. 

Suppose, likewise, a large majority of non-slaveholding States con- 
stituting the Union, should pass and attempt to enforce laws abolishing 
any of the vested rights of the people of the slave-holding States, in 
violation to the Constitution of the Union and of the States, the slave- 
holding State or States would have the same riprht to sever their con- 
nection with the Government. 



This proves the existence of the right. It is a right in abeyance ; a 
reserved right that springs into life an action whenever the occasion 
demands it. 

It is in this that the Federal Government differs from the Govern- 
ment of single States, kingdoms, or monarchies. 

In all governments where there is but one law-making power, the 
government is sole, single, sovereign, and supreme according to its own 
peculiar, sovereign, constitutional powers, and modes of action. But 
the Government of the United States is like an empire ; united by ex- 
press and specific constitutional bonds of union and grants of power; 
and like all other bonds of union between the persons, nations, States, 
kingdoms, and empires of the earth, the rights of all should be lawfully 
and -peacefully preserved, and their bonds of union should be made 
more perfect. 

The Government of the United States has not been dissolved. Many 
of the States have interupted the action of the Government, and the 
laws of Congress have often been resisted, and their execution prevent- 
ed. The Governmemt should peaceably and lawfully continue, each 
officer performing his official duties, until the healthy, constitutional 
reaction of society, the spirit and the providence of God will have 
plainly manifested the rights, the duties, and the relations of the States! 

All UDwerthy ambition should be discarded as far below the demands 
and duties of the times. 

The great living and moving spirit, and the great bodies of Ameri- 
can societies, of Christian, patriotic, and philanthropic America, if not 
excited and perverted, will in due time clearly se eand regulate their 
true relations, and they will faithfully comply with all the great obli- 
gations, principles, and duties that should govern the conduct of all 
honest, faithful, and Christian persons — citizens, societies, communities, 
nations, and governments of earth ! 



Published in the Cynthyana News, Januarj', 1861. 

WHAT'S BEST TO BE DONE ? 

" Cans't thou pluck from the mind a rooted evil, raze out written troubles 
from the brain, and with some sweet oblivious antidote cleanse the stuffed 
bosom of that perilous stuff that weighs upon the heart?" 

Truths and facts always act harmoniously together. 

True principles and measures always act truly together. 

The past and the present are the premises, the laws and the princi- 
ples that indicate the only safe and the only hopeful future. 

It is always our duty to discard the evils and improve the difficien- 
cies of the past, in pursuit of the still better future. 

However perfect our laws, principles or theories, if we fail to carry 
them into corresponding and co-opperating measures, if we pervert the 
powers and the blessings, we thus turn them into conflicts and confu- 
sion, into wars, judgments and curses. 

All things are cumulative. 



It is I'Vie perversioR of pow^jis and of actions in l?i«oag directiouB, 
troni improper motives, in view of unworthy objects, that bring all th« 
'livils, the dangers, the conflicts, and the sufferings of the world. 

To what shall wo first apply these great truths in this trying and 
struggling condition of our country? 

Our country is in a conilict. It has been in conflict for many yearg 
past, over one of the great and vital questions of American society. 

The two great sections are in conflict upon the question of African 
slavery; the right, the tenure or the bonds, by which servants are held 
to service. 

Where docs this conflict begin ? It begins in the minds and the 
hearts of men. 

It has chiefly manifested, and arrayed itself, in the two great sectiona 
■of the Union. 

A large majority of the people of one section of the Union have 

?ieen, and now are, opposed to the institution of African slavery. They 

have generally voted and intended to vote, simply their opposition, 

(their Constitutional opposition to the extension and perpetuation of 

African slavery, because they have believed it to be wrong. 

A large ruajority of the other section have voted for the maintain- 
ance, protection, and extension of slavery, because ttiey have believed 
it to be right and the best that could be done. 

This shows a radical difference of real and of honest opinion. 

How shall it be adjusted ? First what is it? 

It is a difference of opinion upon a question of original right; sec- 
ondly, of State, of national and of common territorial right. A 
tlifference of opinion among persons, families, neighborhoods, and 
States of the Union. How shall it be settled? By the sword? 
Oreat Grod ! shall families, brothers and sisters, parents and children, 
commence, riot, or revel in the fiendish war ? or shall they appeal to 
law, to country and to God ? Time — give us time ! We have long 
been too much confused and excited. Give us time to right ourselves ! 
to regain a better state of mind, to understand our rights and our du- 
ties ! Let us live together peaceably, if we can, hut if we cannot, let 
us separate in peace. 

When Abraham and Lot could no longer agree, they divided their 
flocks and took separate roads. 

But our history, our relations, our rights, and all oQr most tangible 
prospects and hopes, admonish and advise us to separate, never, never, 
until it shall be in accordance with the will or decree of the Almighty 
Creator and Preserver of all that is good. 

Our history and the structure of our government prove it to be divine 
— prove that all of it that is wise and good is divine. Our relations 
likewise : Therefore, stop the war ! Stop the war of force 1 Let it be 
if it must be, a conflict of opinion, of authorities, and of laws, until 
the Supreme Almighty laws of truth, of justice and of right, shall in 
the rightful and constitutional modes adjust and maintain the rights 
Aiid the relations of persons, of citizens, and of States. 

But how shall this great conflict be settled ? We have been waiting 



ifor measures. Principles we have. We want measures. We want 
something to look to — some definite and tangible future. We want to 
know whether we are to have peace or war, security or danger, whether 
we are to educate our children for peace or for war; for virtue or cremie; 
for Christian and religious civilization or for the conflict of arms — for 
the conflicts and crimes of war, God forbid ! 

We want to understand all the great rights of persons, of citizens, 
and of States, so that we may know what to do, what to depend upon, 
what to look to, how to shape our pursuits, our motives and our ends. 
We want as plain and definite a future as we can get. We want to 
see it as plainly as we can see and feel it, from all the lights given to 
us by the great sources of light, of life, of power and of knowledge ! 

Here we are, a great people, radically divided in opinion upon a 
great and vital question of right and of policy, corespondingly and ter- 
ritorialy divided upon the same great question. 

First, our relations have always been of peace, and should so oon- 
tinue. 

Sscondly, shall this great question be settled upon the basis of right, 
of principle, of reason, and by the rightful powers, or shall it be settled 
upon the basis of physical equalities, areas and forces. 

I am for its adjustment by the everlasting laws of right — not of 
physical equalities or by physical forces. 

I am for adjusting all great questions of right and necessity upon 
such basis and by such principles as will make the lawful rights of a 
child — of the poor orphan child, as sacred and secure as the lawful rights 
•of the great, the rich, or the giants of the earth. 

Let the injured complain. Make t le true issues before the rightful 
tribunals, and make preparations if you will. 
Eradicate error and evil from our minds! 
Prevent the beginning of wrong and the necessity for force! 
Mantain the officers of the government in the discharge of their of- 
ficial duties ! 

Mantain the right of the people of the States and of the territories 
to establish and regulate by their own constitutional action, all the 
rights and privileges of government. Let this be done by the rightful 
and voluntary action of the individual-s, States and territorial — States 
of the government. 

But shall a line be established north of which African slavery shall 
be prohibited and south of which, slavery shall be protected. 

Such a measure might give temporary peace, if it were o: could be 
adopted. 

First, is it likely that such a measure would meet the sanction and 
the votes of those who are radically opposed to the institution of >la\ ery? 
I think not. L think they would greatly prefer to acquiesce in the 
decision of the Supreme, Constitutional Court of the United .'^(ates, 
and thus acquiesce in the existence and protection of all the bwfuil 
rights of African Slavery, rather than to vote for it and thus give it 
their personal sanction, as an original and primary question. 

I believe they would acquiesce, but would not vote for the extension 



10 

ef slavery : Further, if the line proposed should be pun to the Pacific 
Coast, providing for the future acquisition of territories — would it noti 
propose a physical equality of territorial areas? Would it not be based 
upon and look to physical forces as the balancing powers of the Gov- 
ernment ? Would it not look to the acquisition of Mexico. Central 
America, and Canada? 

I think it would. And I think it would in a short time, renew the 
same old war, at hon>e and abroad. 

Rather than begin such a line of policy — of dangerous, perhaps of 
fatal policy, had we not better look around us, cltivate improve and- 
educate what we have. 

Had we not better, first attend to our own business claim only our 
own rights and let others alone ? 

For a long time to eome if the p^resent Union continue we have 
territory enough ! 

We must not forget, we are not the only people of power of the 
earth. 

We have vast domains, of uninhabited lands, vast regions of sparesly 
settled countries, all wanting population, schools, churches, roads, and 
all the institutions of society. 

We have a vast country, rich in all resources for comfort, for hap- 
piness, and for greatness. 

We have a system of Government granting and guaranteeing, the 
vast and the greatest achievements of mind and society. 

Shall we not look to the cultivation, the improvement, an(J develop- 
ttient of what we have, rather than begin the reckless, avaricious and 
ambitious old war of unwanted conquest, or of robbery for wealth and 
for power. 

Our system of Government is based upon and has grown with the 
Bible and the testament. It looks to the continual improvement, cul- 
tivation, education, and elevation of each and all its component parts. 

It has grown up, has been founded upon, constructed, established, 
and maintained, with and upon the great principle of voluntary, elec- 
tive action, and the great reliance upon the capacity of our people, of 
each state and territory of the government, to establish, maintain, and' 
enjoy all rights of life and of action, of persons and of property, each 
and all subject to the constitutional government of the United States. 

In possession of such providential blessings and gifts, shall we look 
to their use and enjoyment, or shall we look to the forcible and wrong- 
ful acquisition and deprivation of the possessions and the rights of 
others ? 

England wants Canada for her own surplus population. 

Spain — Ferdinand and Isabella Spain — wants Cuba for her own sur- 
plus population. 

The European people want the right to go to Mexico, Central Amer- 
ica, South America. They have the right to room enough to live in. 
All come from there. Each and all should come and go according tO' 
the great laws of God and of man ! 

Let us pause and remember that the people of those countries, pro 
abxtt and to come, want to maintain and establish laws and institutions- 



n 

'for themselves. In so doing, they will have the right to all lawful pTt>^. 
tection. *^ 

In considering this great question, we must always remember the 
origin, mixture, and the destiny of races and of classes. 

We must not stultify ourselves. We say our fathers had no right to 
bind us irrevocably through all future time ; that wh^n the government 
estabh.shed by them fails of its object, or its powers are perverted, we 
havo the lawful right to amend or to change it in a lawliil manner 
Just so with the citizens of the Union. We have n© right to adopt 
and begin a system of measures that would propose to bind our pos- 
terity forever, that would most probably renew the old war, and involve 
them in all the convulsions, and probably much greater disasters than 
mow threaten us. 

We have no right to look further into future events, than facts, rea- 
son and revelation allow us to ]o*ok. 

We have the right to security, to peace, and to the lawful protection 
and enjoyment of all we have ; but we must not attempt to enoross 
•the continent. We have no right to regulate all future time. 

Let the great laws of God and of man act harmoniously together, 
and, in time, they will consummate the work. From the centers t© 
'the ci'-cumference. let societies intermingle and expand with all the 
riches and blessings of the Christian civilization, the true religion 
and the philosophy of God ! 

Thus, the real wants of persons and societies would be developed 
and supplied, by the elements and the actions of its component parts. 

Thus, societies are self-regulating and self-providing bodies ; sepa- 
rate, yet united by the spirit, the laws, and the bonds ; by the ties, the 
links and memorials ; by the pure afFoctions, by the all-pervading spirit, 
by the spirit of regeneration, by sympathies and riches divine. 

Under the constitution and laws of o^ir country, and the laws ef God, 
we have the right to the peaceable enjoyment and protection of all our 
Tights, of persons and of property, and we have territory enough for a 
long time to come — perhaps for ever — if the Union continue. 

When a surplus of population, of any class or cjlor, shall have come, 
the natural and true regulation and migration, for all the true and 
proper objects and enjoyments of life, of persons, of societies and of 
governments, will most surely follow. 

We must remember that rapidly increasing numbers, uncongenial 
mixtures and unworthy combinations, have already greatly endangered 
our safety, broken up our happiness, and threatened our ruin. 

We do not want to reproduce the strifes, the horrors, or the suffer- 
ings of dark old time. We want peace, security, and room enough. 
We must preserve our original ancestral character, the true spirit and 
•objects of our government, our mission, our destiny, and all our hopes 
for a brighter and a more glorious future. 

We must remember that measures, principles, and feeliogs must 
-agree, or discontent, strife and war will follow. Suppose »we have a 
dividing liae, one party, sooner or later, would want Mexico for slave. 
<ry, Iwit the «yther would oppose. If acquired, irn part -or fen all, with i^ 



12 

diflPerent elements and mixtures of population and societies, it would 
make and i'hcrease strifes and conflicts with our peoples and govern- 
ments — slavery, tariffs, banks, and many other questions of strife and 
conflict would be increased. 

At present we have territory enough — perhaps forever. 

Together peaceably if we can, separate peaceably if we must. 

Non-intervention among the Christian and civilized nations and 
governments of the earth ; except to protect the weak against the inju- 
ries and oppressions of the strong. 

The protection of the cross ; the right and the privilege of voluntary 
obedioace and worship to God! 

ft 

Published in tiie Kentucky Yeoman, Jan. 2Hd, 1861. 

THE COXSTITUTIONAL LINE. 

The line of 36 (\eg. 30 min., or any just and practicable line running 
through the Territory of the United Stales to the Pacific Ocean, permit- 
ting and protecting African slavery South, should be expiessly confined 
and limiteil to Territory now belonging to the Union. 

Surh a line, if de.'-ired by the people, would not be objected to by me. 
If properly presented, 1 would support it as a constitutional amendment. 

Should the whole Union continue, this would leave the question of 
future acquisition of territory with the people and the government of the 
United Slate.'!, the establishment and regulation of the institutions therein, 
South and North, upon the same true and equal constitutional right. 

This line of protection was suggested to satisfy the South. The 
North don't neeJ the prohibitioii. They are entitled to all the rights 
with which the territories were acquired, and they are capable, when they 
form their State Constitutions, to establish and regulate, each State for 
itself, its own domestic State institutions. 

If the Northern people want the prohibition line North, let them 
firing it forward. The propositions suggested by me from the beginning, 
are equally applicable to the entire or a portion of the United State«, 
under the Constitution of our country. 



<•> 



The plan of adjustment heretofore advocated by me contemplated the 
following results, from the present premises. Our government, on many 
accounts, perhaps on all, is large enough. A larger government would 
increase the diversity of interests, the number of ambitious men, and 
would greatly diminish individuality of character. 

If the future shall demand the acquisition of territory let it then be 
made. 

The great mis.<ion and object of government is to protect, educate, and 
improve all — physic al, mental, moral, and religious. Government is 
borrowed from Heaven ; it has been given by the Almighty, and it must 
be used according^ to all the great laws and objects for which it was 
given. 



18 

Our system of government is peculiar. It is elective, and if properly 
conducted, not only relieves, but strengthens all well conducted king- 
doms, monarchies, and governments of the globe. Perhaps it is the 
gathering together of the elective families I 

It should never lose sight of its origin or its mission — the improve- 
ment, cultivation, elevation, and Cliristianization of our people. If we 
could be content with its present extent of territory, and the pursuit of 
these great chief constitutional objects, its future and its mission would 
be most certain aYid most promising — the most hopeful future for ail 
classes and races. When a dense population shall have come, the mi- 
gration of the surplus would have the dovhle effect of relieving the old 
and of benefitting ihe new countries. This perpetual process of educa- 
tion, improvement, and migration, would in time raise our population to 
the highest degree of cnltivation, of development, and of happiness; it 
would spread its influence and population over the continent, and over 
the globe without attacking or unlawfully inierferiny with the rights of 
others. 

This is the most certain and the most hopeful future that I can see! 

CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT. 

In all territory now belonging to the United States, or in all that may 
hereafter be acquired, all the rights of African servitude, as heretofore 
and now existing in and among a portion ol the States of the Union, shall 
be protected ; but nothing herein shall be construed to be in favor of or 
against the future acquisition of territory or o( a State: it defines only 
the law. 

February 5, 1861. 



All debts and obligations, all rights of property between and among 
the citizens and persons of the different States ; all treaties, obligations, 
and debts with foieign persons and powers have been made and contrac- 
ted under all the guarantees of the Federal Government: Under the ex- 
press declaration of the Constitution of the United States, that no e.xpost 
facto law or law impairing the obligation of contracts .should be passed. 

The Federal Government is bound to maintain these provisions of the 
Constitution ; bound by all the obligations of ofllice and of juslice. A 
sudden disseverance of the Government would leave all personal security 
and rights of property in the power of the dissevered States or fragments 
of the government ; or with the unbridled power of personal combina- 
tions ; mobs, repudiations and confiscations murder, robbery, and the 
ruin of individuals and families might follow. 

Govornmenl was made to protect personal rights, and any change of 
our system of government should be made under h II the constitutional 
guarantees for the satisfaction or security of all personal and all vested 
rights. 

Frankfort, P'eb. 7, IBtil. 



14 

The great qxiestion is still unsettled I 

The Union has- been partially dissevered 1 

Whrt's best to be done ? 

What shall the officers of the CTOvernment do? 

Eaoh perform his duties; so long as he holds his office. 

Let proclamation be made by the proper authorities, that all personai 
security, all personal and vested rights, that have existed under the (eder- 
.al government, must and shall be protected and maintained. 

God forbid that our age and country shall be outraged and disgraced 
•by fiendish forces and violations of personal and vested rights. 

Let the injured complain and the guilty shall be punished I 

The protection of persons and of rights is the first great question oi" 
jmoment. ! 

Next the des-tiny of our country ! 

This great and vital question will regain time ! 

In order to act safely we must look closely and truthfully into this 
•great question, and all its relations! 

All ])ersonal, internal and vested rights protected and secured, our 
saext relations are abroad ! 

We have iureign relations and obligations of the highest order ! 

We must observe their rigbts and ascertain their demands ! 

Neither our government nor o-ur people can safely act without & 
(knowledge of all the great facts and relations affecting them.' 

All falsehood and duplicity, leading to -dangers and crimes, is wor- 
thy only of the severest chastisement and the deepest infamy through 
.all future time ! 

Let each State and government candidly and truthfully make 
known what is required for its safety, its rights and its pursuit of hap- 
piness. 

If the constitution of the Union must be amended or reconstructed, 
let it be done in a peaceful and lawful manner, and in the mean time 
give protection to each and to all, but by no means ask for the danger- 
ous right of African transit through or across the non-slaveholding 
States. Confine all constitutional amendments or provisions to our 
country. Sheuld new territories be acquired under the constitutional 
government, they will of course be subject in all respects, as a matter 
of law, t3 the constitutional provisions. 

The true structure and nature of the constitution of a government 
should cot be marred by interpolations, for the government of countries 
foreign to us. Let us not declare by constitutional provision that we 
wish or intend to acquire and govern countries not ours. Such a pro- 
vision or declaration adopted, the acquisition party might prematurely 
demand the acquisition desired by them, and refer to the constitution- 
al provision as evidence ; that the constitution was accepted with the 
■express understanding, that the acquisition should be made. 

A refusal by the government or the people to acquire the territory 
•"desired, might be made a new ground lor another dissolution ; because 
'of this alledged violation of the consititutional provision. Yet there 
should be no prohibition to the acqiusittion of territory; there may be 



I 



c 



poftfona of country desirable and important, to be acquired af tfif 
proper time. If the government should be reconstructed, or a new 
frovernment formed, of course all the States that accept it, will be 
members of the Union. 

The Constitution should clearly define the paramount laws. Those- 
laws will govern exactly alike all present and all future possessions; 
without any declaration of futnre application. 

All legislative powers should be clearly expressed; all legislative' 
proceeding of Congress should be clearly confined to the constitutional' 
jurisdiction of legislative proceedings and powers. 

Whatever powers are conferred upon the government should be just, 
equitable, perfect, complete and supreme ! 

Thus the union of the States might be most safely, most prosperous 
ly, and most happily continued or amended through all future time! 

Thus we have a safe, a certain, and a hopeful future 1 

Shall it be blighted' and blasted? 

Shall all be wrecked by the thunderstorm of war? Oh no! 

Rather let us hold our wrath ! Even desperately withhold a resort' 
to force [ Look to results ! look to blighted fiields, pastures, and' 
homes; villages, towns and cities — prospects, families, widows and or- 
phans. Hear the cries of agony! The long, long sufferings of sorrow 
and grief! 

Through long, long years, perhaps ages of suffering and wo, listen at 
the sobs, perhaps the hereditary sufferings, and wailings of grief, of 
agony and paina ; of families. States, governments and countries wrecked, 
shattered, blighted, mangled and desolated by war, suffering and crime I 
Even in the far, far distant future, they sound like the moaning surges 
of the surf, upon desolated coasts; of fleets, countries and cities, 
wrecked by the mighty convulsions of nature; made piteous and deso- 
late by time — the melancholy, suffering memorials and remains of all 
they had been ! 

Shall we behold such a wreck, and hear the cries and agonies of 
death, or shall such be our own fatal and eternal doom, and shaU 
we too feel the deep damnation of remorse over the great and mighty 
deed of crime? Oh, no! God forbid! Let each and all proclaim- 
peace I 

Peace on earth, good will toward men ! 

Frankfort, Ky., Feb. 13, 1861. 



fr 



> ^ vlAroh 2 5. Ib61. 



WRITINGS OF W. B. VICTOR. 



Life and Events. 

The Two Pacifies. 

Thoughts on the Creation and Destiny of Man. 

The Creation : Origin and Punishment of Sin. 

The Appendix. 

The Past, the Present, and the Future. 

Peace Offering ! 
I have not written any thing else upon political subjects 
that has not been pubhshed in Kentucky papers, and nothing 
|)ersonal, except to my own family. 

I make this statement to repudiate frauds and forgeries. 

W. B. VICTOR 
Mhruary 16, 1860. 



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